This past week the US has been
rocked by two new slayings of young black men in police custody and within days
the slaying of five police officers at a rally protesting those deaths in
apparent retaliation. Social media has been abuzz with energized discussions
providing a lot more heat than light, much of it cast in terms of slogans
serving as shorthand for the focus of the poster’s concerns.
The slogan “Black Lives
Matter,” which originated in the wake of a rash of deaths of young black men two
years ago, has dominated much of the newsfeed. In the resulting discussions, one
poster dismissed the BLM slogan as a mere platitude, “a remark or statement,
especially one with a moral content, that has been used too often to be
interesting or thoughtful.” Others vehemently responded to the BLM slogan with
the retort “All Lives Matter!” as if these statements are somehow mutually
exclusive. Finally, those outraged by the police slayings in Dallas responded
in righteous indignation that “Blue Lives Matter,” again, as if these concerns were
mutually exclusive.
Let me state my position on
the value of life right up front: Murder is murder. In the end, it does not matter whether it is a
police officer killing a young black man in front of his girlfriend and
four-year-old child, a gunman with a weapon of war mowing down police at a
rally or patrons at a nightclub, or a state agent pumping lethal chemicals into
the veins of a convicted criminal in a padded cell. Any time the choice is made
to intentionally cause the death of another human being when life is a
realistic option, it is murder, regardless of how the killers may seek to
rationalize it. And it is wrong.
In that sense, the assertion
that “All Lives Matter” is true, at least in principle if not always in
practice. But to understand any text, one must consciously deal with the
context in which it arises. And the context of “Black Lives Matter” is deeply troubling.
Getting Away with Murder
The slogan first arose out of the trial of George Zimmerman, a troubled Latino/Anglo man whose frustrated dreams of becoming a cop were played out in becoming a self-appointed armed “neighborhood watch” guard in a gated community in Sanford, FL. The official Neighborhood Watch program’s name reveals its function: Watch for signs of criminal behavior in one’s Neighborhood and report what one sees to law enforcement. It does not involve arming oneself. And it certainly does not involve stalking the offender with a gun.
But that is what George
Zimmerman did. And when his prey, a 17-year-old black kid from Miami visiting
his father, realized he was being stalked, he hid and then surprised his
stalker, beating him with his fists as he angrily demanded why the man was
following him. No doubt, the kid was afraid for his very life and with good
reason. It was at this point that Zimmerman, whom the kid had gotten the best
of, shot and killed him.
The legal response to this
event was a shameful farce. The local state attorney initially refused to
charge the killer with anything. Florida’s ethically challenged attorney
general did nothing, maintaining a deafening silence in the face of a growing
call for action. When a special prosecutor was finally appointed, the jury
instructions allowed by the court were so narrowly drawn that Zimmerman was
able to successfully assert self-defense and was acquitted by a virtually
all-white jury. The analogies to the Rodney King trial in Simi Valley in
California which set off days of deadly rioting in Los Angeles are unavoidable.
In the end, George Zimmerman
got away with murder. And what became
abundantly clear in that trial was that the life of his 17-year-old black male
victim was less valuable than that of his Latino/Anglo killer. At least in this
case, black lives did not matter.
When this pattern began to be
replicated in case after case of killings of black males in police control
across the country caught on cell phones and video recordings, the angry counter-assertion
that “Black Lives Matter” began to take shape. That is the immediate context. But
there is a larger context without which BLM cannot be fully understood.
From Plantation Porches to Racist Closets
These events occur at the end
of four centuries of racist culture
that began as chattel slavery of African peoples and their descendants which
only ended 150 years ago. When one includes colonial history with its brisk
trade of human property as the middle passage of triangular trade, America has
been a slave culture much longer than not.
With the end of slavery, the
trajectory of racism has been one of increasing invisibility but with
correspondingly even more power to shape our culture. Slavery quickly evolved into a set of
highly discriminatory Jim Crow laws which sought a patina of legitimacy for what
was blatantly racist discrimination. It would take another century after the
end of slavery for the courts to finally strike these laws down.
The result was to drive this
pernicious prejudice increasingly into the closet as overt racism became
socially unacceptable for a polite (translated: middle and upper class white)
society wishing to deny its past, protect its continued privilege and indulge its ongoing
prejudices. But these black holes of closeted racism continue to give birth to a
subtle but even more powerful institutional racism which infects every aspect
of our culture today. It is always easier to confront overt prejudices. The covert
(and often unconscious) versions assert themselves in largely invisible but
effective ways.
One of the more pointed ways
closet racism has manifest itself is in the ironically named “war on drugs.” From the beginning,
drug laws, enacted largely to protect the profits of the pharmaceutical
industry, have punished black drug use and sales more harshly than their white
counterparts. The difference in degrees of punishment for crack cocaine,
largely used by poor people of color, and powder cocaine, largely used by
middle and upper class white people, is but one example. The racial disparity
in the demographics of the world’s largest prison gulag and the level of unabashed violence in cocaine cowboy SWAT tactics in impoverished neighborhoods attests to the
effectiveness of this form of closet racism.
Another way this powerful
closet racism has manifest itself is in the absolute refusal of the US to deal
with what is clearly a socially debilitating addiction to firearms that has destabilized both US culture and the
world. US gun manufacturers are far and away the greatest suppliers of weaponry,
both intentionally and unintentionally, to all kinds to regimes around the
world ranging from what became the Taliban and ISIS to the deadly paramilitaries of Central America.
This year, US firearm deaths –
which include homicides, suicides and accidental deaths – are poised to surpass
automobile deaths as the leading cause of deaths not resulting from illness.
US gun policies as well as the associated attitudes about guns in the general
public reflect a deeply fearful populace. Much of that fear is based in race.
According to the Pew Research data, support
for increased regulation of firearms is found among a wide demographic with a
majority among urban and suburban residents, women, those under the age of 50,
those making less than $30,000/year, those with no college or college graduates,
and registered Democrats and Independents.
Those who say that gun rights
are more important than increased control of firearms are fairly narrowly
defined: white non-Hispanic men with some college, rural residents, those
registered Republican and those over the age of 50. While a clear majority of
US citizens support increasing controls over firearms, it is the demands of a
powerful minority and the lobbying power of the NRA, heavily financed by
firearms corporations, which continues to dictate US gun policy paralyzing all
efforts to change the laws even in the face of profoundly disturbing events
like the Orlando Pulse massacre.
A Dawning Reality: We’re
losing.
In looking at these
demographics, the last of the four contextual aspects comes squarely into
focus. The 2000 election of Barack Obama, the first mixed race president in US
history, a product of a broken home and a beneficiary of affirmative action,
and the rejection of the business-as-usual Republican Mitt Romney, the epitome of white
privilege, caused the alarms to sound in the snug, safe closets of racism
across the US.
The response was fast and
furious. The last eight years of US politics has been marked by the
resurrection of a Know-Nothing racism in the form of a TEA Party and
self-appointed militias along the US border. It has seen the losing Republican
Party determine on election night to engage in obstructionism for the duration
of the President’s term which has resulted in the least productive Congress in US
history and an incomplete divided SCOTUS now largely incapable of rendering majority
decisions.
The current presidential nominee
of the Republican Party, whose rhetoric is frequently peppered with subtle and
not so subtle racist references, embodies the desperation many white
non-Hispanic Americans feel. They rightly recognize that the country is
changing, that our demographics no longer provide the automatic electoral veto
that they have presumed to be their right since the dawn of the nation-state.
But despite their attempts to gerrymander Congress and state governments, bar
poor people of color from voting and shut down governments when they have not
gotten their way, the reality is beginning to dawn on the scions of American
white privilege: We are losing.
Given this context, it is not
surprising that a rapidly dwindling white non-Hispanic majority, looking about in fear
as their presumed entitlements to white privilege are slowly eroding, would resolutely
refuse to see the danger persons of color, particularly young black males,
currently experience when in the proximity of predominately white male law enforcement.
If it’s not happening to them or their own children - at least so far - it’s not a problem.
Dismissal of “Black Lives
Matter” as a platitude is but one of many expressions of a defensiveness that
is to be expected in the current climate of cultural transition. Because while
it is true that All Lives Matter or at least that they should - particularly those who place their lives in
danger for the public daily as law enforcement officers - that does not
somehow mutually exclude the reality revealing itself nightly on our evening
news that Black Lives do not appear to matter as much as others in our country
and never really have, a reality which increasingly demands our immediate attention.
Jesus on Lives that Matter
I am trained as a lawyer and
an academician whose primary areas of concern have always been ethics and the sociology
of religion, law and society. My comments above reflect that background. But I
am also an Episcopal priest who studied liberation theology while in seminary,
spending a good bit of time in Central America to observe it firsthand. And
while I am hardly a theocrat, seeking to impose a form of Christian sharia law on
my countrywomen and men as is favored by many religious conservatives, I do
think the historical Jesus has something of value to add to this conversation.
There is a teaching in Jesus’
beatitudes which is highly analogous to Black Lives Matter. Considered the core
of Jesus’ kingdom of G-d teachings, the Beatitudes are so named because they
begin with words of beatification: “Blessed are…”
In Luke’s Gospel, Jesus casts
his lot with the poor. “Blessed are the poor, for yours is the kingdom of God.”
It’s tempting to blow this assertion off with a patronizing, “Aw, gee, that’s nice, Jesus. You feel sorry
for the poor people.” That’s certainly what many of us do. It’s also
tempting to avoid this teaching by asserting that “All Lives Matter” to G-d. If
G-d is the source, ground and destination of all Creation, clearly they do. But
the implications of this statement go much, much deeper than banal theologizing.
When Jesus teaches that the
poor are blessed, he does so in the role of the prophet. Most Hebrew prophets,
in whose venerable line Jesus clearly stands, begin with the words, “Thus says
the Lord…” Though Jesus no doubt did identify with the exploited poor who made
up the vast majority of the 1st CE Roman province of Judea, his own
family included, he is not speaking for them here. His words are subtle. It is G-d who blesses the poor. Why?
Because it is clearly the poor who most need G-d’s blessing.
It is critical to note that
this is a complete reversal of the worldview common to his Judean society and
to our own. Nothing in the lives of the poor suggested they could be seen as even
remotely blessed by G-d. Quite the opposite. If they were not sinners or
suffering for someone else’s sin (Who
sinned, this man or his parents? JN 9) why would their lives be so
miserable? Conversely, the well-to-do Pharisee who stands on the street corner
proclaiming “God, I thank you that I am not like other people…" (LK 18) reflects
the prevailing view that wealth, power and status all suggested G-d’s favor.
Jesus’ beatitude completely
overturns such assumptions.
Where the analogy of this beatitude
to Black Lives Matter becomes clear is in the import of his teaching. If Jesus
is right and G_d sees the poor as blessed, what does this suggest about the
activities and attitudes of those who make and keep them poor? How would a G_d
whose blessing rests on the poor feel about efforts to exploit them?
Perhaps most importantly, what
does this suggest is the appropriate response for the followers of Jesus who
are not poor but whose wealth, power and status are attained at their expense? The
answer extends far beyond the knee jerk response of a condescending and patronizing charity exercised out
of one’s excess. It is ultimately a question of a just society.
The liberationists called this
G-d’s “preferential option for the poor.“ It sees the ongoing exploitation of
the poor whom G-d blesses as a sin. And it calls for conversion of those who
find themselves in the roles of both exploiters and beneficiaries of that
exploitation.
Black Lives Matter is a call
to consciousness of the many ways our society communicates to our fellow
Americans of color that their lives do not matter, at least not as much as
their countrywomen and men. It is a call to recognize all the social contexts
in which this devaluation of human beings of color occurs. Most importantly, it
is a call to reconsider these attitudes, both conscious and unconscious, and
the behaviors which flow from them. The word the gospel writers would have used
here is repent.
When Jesus articulated this
radical vision of a kingdom of G-d in which the poor were blessed and those who
exploited them were called to repentance and change of life, he was rewarded as
are most prophets: by quickly being put out of his audience’s misery. It’s
always a lot easier to crucify a prophet than to take their prophetic message
seriously. Undoubtedly that is as true today as it was in Jesus’ time.
All Lives Matter: More than a
Platitude?
The US stands at the
crossroads of many changes today, not the least of which is the question of how
we will adjust to becoming a minority-majority nation-state in which no racial
or ethnic group will predominate and thus presume a privilege to pursue their
own interests at the expense of all others. How we respond to that challenge
may well define whether this country which prides itself on “liberty and
justice for all” – even when that has not always been the case – will survive
to “secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our Posterity.”
It is true that all lives
matter. They matter to G-d, they matter to a nation-state whose stated ideals
recognize the truth that “all men are created equal” to be self-evident and
they matter to psychologically healthy human beings. But in a violent racist
culture like our own, it is precisely the success of movements like the “Black
Lives Matter” that will determine if otherwise empty assertions that “All Lives
Matter” ever become more than a mere platitude.
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Harry Scott Coverston
Orlando, Florida
If the unexamined life is not worth
living, surely an unexamined belief system, be it religious or political, is
not worth holding.
Most things worth considering do
not come in sound bites.
Do not be daunted by the enormity
of the world's grief. Do justly, now. Love mercy, now. Walk humbly now. You are
not obligated to complete the work, but neither are you free to abandon it. – Rabbi
Rami Shapiro, Wisdom of the Ages, Commentary on Micah 6:8
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